Days in Daechuri

Seoul to pay 9 trillion won for U.S. base in Pyeongtaek

Mon, 09 Jun 2008 18:56:48 +0900

Seoul will have to pay more than 8.9 trillion won(US$ 8.6 billion) in expenses for relocating the bases of United States Forces in Korea to Pyeongtaek. This figure is more than 3.3 trillion won higher than the previous year’s estimates.

These numbers result from an two-month inspection conducted by the National Defense Ministry which started in mid-March. The ministry predicted a lack of financial resources amounting to about 2.6 trillion won resulting from an unclear outlook on rezoning of the land and on its sale.

The ministry’s report noted that it will be necessary for the government to go to extreme measures in order to smoothly carry out the project, saying that the government should re-evaluate the financial resources needed to move the base while considering an increase in costs.

When it announced a master plan for relocation of the base in March last year, the ministry estimated the expense to be shouldered by Korea at nearly 5.6 trillion won but the figure has increased to about 7.9 trillion won due to additional cost for social overhead capital projects. Since the ministry added 1 trillion won for the construction of facilities to improve working conditions of American soldiers at the beginning of this year, the figure has increased to over 8.9 trillion won.

According to the ministry estimate, the nation will have to pay 3.3 trillion won more in a year. Adding 8.9 trillion won to be paid by Korea to the estimated 4.4 trillion won contributed by the U.S. (estimated at the announcement of the master plan in March last year) the total expenses for the relocation of the base are expected to reach about 12 to 13 trillion, compared to the initial estimate of 10 trillion won.

As the scale of the project gets larger and larger, there are likely to be difficulties in preparing the funds. The relocation project which was scheduled to complete in 2011-2012 will likely be delayed until 2015-2016.

A report issued by the USFK Base Relocation Project Management Group on June 8 said a service provider is reviewing the expenses and the time period necessary for the base relocation project, adding that the exact costs and term will be announced through consultations between Seoul and Washington based on results of the review which will happen after August.

From Hankyoreh, June 9 2008

http://english.hani.co.kr/arti/english_edition/e_international/292233.html

Consistent Contradictions: the Mismatch between an Imagined North Korea and the Real Role of the USFK

Wed, 20 Jun 2007 07:19:24 +0900

Introduction:
In 2004, the United States and South Korea signed the Yongsan Relocation Plan, agreeing to transfer the Yongsan Garrison and the Second Infantry Division to an expanded Camp Humphrys Base in Pyeongtaek. The goal of this project is to create a state-of-the-art “strategic hub” south of Seoul in accordance with the United States’ plan for the realignment and strategic flexibility of the USFK.

The U.S. military has been largely hands off in the actual construction of the base in Pyongtaek. General B. B. Bell, Commander of the USFK and the Korea-United States Combined Forces Command, however, has been busy trying to win approval for the plan from Korean citizens and the U.S. Congress alike. In so doing, his approach, particularly in speaking of the threat from North Korea, has been highly inconsistent; his presentations have varied greatly depending on which aspect of the base expansion project he is addressing and to whom he is speaking. Examining Bell’s contradictory statements exposes the true nature of the realignment of the USFK – the creation of a modernized force ready for global deployment – as well as the ideological function of North Korea in U.S. military policy discourse.

Background
Since signing the Yongsan Relocation Plan, the Noh Moo-hyun administration has relentlessly pushed forth its plan to expand the Camp Humphrys Base. While the U.S. has, apart from pressuring the ROK to shell out more and more money, sat back and watched quietly, the government has mobilized massive national power to drive the villagers in the Paengsung area of Pyeongtaek, where the expansion is taking place, off their land. U.S. officials and policy-makers never mention this state violence when discussing the project. Commander Bell recently described the current situation to the U.S. Senate Armed Service Committee as follows: “The South Koreans have spent an enormous amount of money already helping us with this move. They bought 2,800 acres of land next to a place called Camp Humphrys, south of Seoul, for a billion dollars -- bought it from the local citizens. And it's there where we want to do this expansion” (Bell, SASC transcript, 32-33).

Bell’s words conveniently leave out the real story behind this “purchase of land,” as lived by the residents of Daechuri and Doduri, villages in the Paengsung area. For these people it is impossible to forget: they experienced years of torment by riot police, soldiers trampled through their villages and fields, bulldozers and cranes invaded and destroyed their homes, which finally led to the destruction of their communities and forced eviction early this year. All of this is neatly erased in the U.S. military policy discourse. By pursuing its realignment plan as a partnership with the South Korean government, the U.S. has been able to hide safely behind the legality of its bi-lateral agreements and the objective fairness of what it characterizes as a simple market transaction.

The Noh administration is fully committed to the Korea-U.S. military alliance and the realignment of the USFK, through which it is seeking to achieve the modernization of the ROK military. As such, it has willingly complied with the creation of a strategic hub at Pyeongtaek; it has promised to contribute 5.5 trillion won to fund the base transfer and expansion, more than half of the expense of what is estimated to be a 10 trillion won project. If the part of the U.S.’s contribution that will come out of funds Korea has committed to support the USFK through the Special Measures Agreement (SMA) is included, Korea’s actual share will be at least 75% of the total cost.

In fact, the South Korean government has agreed through SMA for each of the last several years to cover a growing percent of the cost of stationing the U.S. troops; its commitment for 2007-2008 amounts to 725.5 billion won. The U.S. calculates this plus other direct funds to be 41% of the USFK’s non-personnel stationing costs. Commander Bell has asserted over and over again that the Army will not be satisfied until the ROK’s direct contribution equals 50%, or what he calls ‘equitable burden sharing. However, according to the Ministry of Defense’s calculations, the ROK’s commitment has already reached 53%. This calculation discrepancy is in part due to the USFK’s failure to include indirect ROK payments, such as uncollected land-rent and tax exemptions, as well as manpower benefits of KATUSA inclusion into the USFK (which means less salary expenditure for the USFK). Thus, it is clear that the ROK already covers well over half of the total expense.

While pushing for equitability in covering the expense of stationing the U.S. forces, however, Bell has been quite clear that equity is not part of the picture when it comes to the base expansion project. He has almost bragged to Congress that the ROK has agreed to pay, “billions and billions and billions of dollars, maybe as much as $6 billion to $7 billion…[and] something dramatically less than that to be spent by the United States to make this move” (Bell, Senate Armed Service Committee, 33). Bell asserts that this is proof that the ROK supports the continued U.S. military presence in Korea into the distant future.

Role of the USFK?
We are told that the realignment of the USFK and their very presence in South Korea are for the purpose of strengthening defense against the potential North Korean aggression. This has been the premise of the U.S.-Korea military alliance since the end of the Korean War. Yet while the official line of the USFK and both governments continues to validate this justification for the U.S. troops’ presence, recent statements by commander Bell call it into serious question. On April 17, in a statement made at a Gyeonggi Province Municipal Leadership Forum, Commander Bell said that he believed that by 2025 normalization with North Korea would be achieved. Moreover, the United States military would still be welcomed in Korea, stationed with “a full array of military capabilities on the Peninsula and in the region” (Municipal Leadership Speech, 2). Bell’s statement alludes to the fact that the United States’ interests in Korea have less to do with defense against North Korea than with its own long-term hegemony in the region. This inconsistency in approach to the North Korean threat and the role of the USFK characterizes Commander Bell’s discussions of the realignment of the USFK and of the base expansion project.

The North Korean Threat?
In his formal reports to the U.S. Congress, Bell portrays North Korea as “the key destablizer” in the region, posing a grave danger to South Korea (Bell, HASC, 8). It is necessary, the reports claim, to increase the USFK’s defense capability against North Korea. This requires greater investment in modern computers, command, control and communications equipment and intelligence systems (C4I) and improvement of missile defense and munitions stocks. Bell’s reports to the House and Senate Armed Service Committees (March 7, April 24) describe pending upgrades in coordinated command and intelligence systems between the USFK and ROK as well as other ‘friendly forces.’ In his emphasizes on the need for expanded training facilities, Bell states, "(i)n order to be ready and continue to deter aggression on the peninsula, our training must evolve to keep pace with the transformation of our military structure.” He specifies that, “USFK faces challenges in training range and airspace access. Facilities for our naval forces exist but scheduling and allocation must be improved to fully support combat readiness requirements. We need access to a modern and instrumented air to ground bombing range" (Bell, HASC, 19). These are supposedly necessary for improving readiness to counter a North Korean attack.

Bell contradicts his own written statements, however, during question and answer sessions with congressional representatives by downplaying the North Korean threat. The U.S. air and naval power greatly outmatch North Korea’s air and maritime capacity without needing to be strengthened, Bell himself claimed. In his hearing before the House Armed Services Committee on March 7, he called the North Korean air-force a “legacy air-force,” explaining, “(t)hey got most of their aircraft during the cold war, they don’t make any new aircraft, their doing overhaul, they’re not getting any new aircraft from their traditional suppliers, and so they are making do with what they have… They don’t train to the levels that our air-force or navy, or certainly the Republic of Korea trains. The levels of flying hours to be ready are about 10% of what you would see in our air-force or our navy.” He concluded, “I’m not overly concerned about the ability of the North Korean air-force to be a factor… We can deal with the North Korean air-force quickly and decisively and it will cease to be a factor very quickly" (Bell, audio, 1:04).

Then, it is quite obvious that building training grounds for the air-force and navy is not a response to a critical need to face down a threat from North Korean. The March 7 report submitted by General William J. Fallon, then Commander of the U.S. Pacific Command, more explicitly indicates that these changes have a much larger goal; they are “crucial to success in the War on Terror and regional stability,” especially in the face of growing Chinese military capacity (Fallon, HASC, 28). It is clear then, that North Korea is only one of many targets of the modernization of USFK command and intelligence activities, much of which is to be based at Camp Humphrys. Thus, the planned reorganization of the USKF calls for the strengthening of maritime and airpower and the substantial reduction of ground troops in order to create a more mobile force capable of quick dispatch outside of the peninsula; this is the strategic flexibility of the USFK to which the Noh administration has consented. Re-focusing capacity in the air-force and navy is taking place while, by Bell’s own admission, the strength of the North Korean military lies, if anywhere, in its army.

While the logic of defense against North Korea would call for the strengthening of the U.S. army in Korea to stand up to North Korean ground troops, the truth is that U.S. ground forces are being reduced. This being the case, we might expect that when questioned about the threat of a North Korean ground attack, Bell would emphasize the need to strengthen the remaining troops or at least express confidence in their capability despite the reduction. In fact, however, his answer has been exactly the opposite. When asked, for instance, about the toll the U.S. wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have had on the USFK’s ability to respond to crisis on the peninsula during the Senate Committee on Armed Services hearing on April 24, Bell responded that he felt very secure about the ability of the Marines and Air-force but, “not as satisfied, to say the least, with Army ability to respond or Marine Corps ability to respond.” He added very quickly, however, that “(t)he really good news in the Republic of Korea is… that we've got a terrific ally with a great military, and their strength happens to be their army and their Marine Corps" (Senate Armed Service Committee, 14). In fact, then, the reorganization of the USFK means placing greater reliance in the strength of the ROK army while U.S. ground forces are concentrated in the Middle East.

Bell has tried to portray the rearrangement of the relationship and roles of the ROK military and the USFK as mutually beneficial and supportive. In his official statement to Congress he wrote, “(t)his evolution provides a stronger and more complementary Alliance that is better organized to meet ROK securities needs and our mutual interests in the region” (Bell, ASC, 18). Despite such rhetoric, in question and answer sessions during congressional hearings he has repeatedly emphasized that he expects the ROK army to play the major part in defending the nation. He told Senate Armed Service Committee members:

It is now time for us (the U.S.) to turn over more and more of the security responsibility of the Republic of Korea to the Koreans… Part of that is an agreement that the two nations have made at the senior administration level to move our forces from north of Seoul and in Seoul to south of Seoul, thus ensuring that the South Koreans are responsible for dealing directly with the threat along the DMZ. And second, getting our forces literally out from under artillery range. And last, allowing us to consolidate at efficient hubs, instead of these often-times pathetic little enclaves where we are still living and working. (Senate Armed Services, 32)

At the same time as he continues to demand the ROK pay more and more money to keep the U.S. stationed in South Korea, Bell himself has admitted that rather than constructing a “strong and more complimentary Alliance,” the U.S. is moving its troops out of the way of the most significant threat in order to carry out its training. What is more, if the exercises conducted at U.S. bases in Korea over the last few years are any indicators, it is likely that the goal of training is not merely preparation for conflict with North Korea, but also for participation in the U.S. initiated wars in the Middle East. In 2004, the U.S. military publication, Stars and Stripes, reported the first example of the strategic flexibility of the USFK: the deployment of the Second Infantry Divisions’ 3,600-man Brigade Combat Team or “Strikeforce” to Iraq, and continued to follow their activity in the volatile city of Ramadi for the next year (Stars and Stripes, Pacific Edition, August 4 2004). Strikeforce moved to Fort Carson, Colorado upon completion of their one-year rotation, but it has since become clear that control of their brigade, rather than being relinquished to commanders in the Middle East, has always remained in the hands of the Second Infantry Division with the brigade eventually returning to Korea. More recently, Stars and Stripes has reported that Second Infantry Division battalions carried out ambush drills in February of 2006 at the Rodriquez Range in Northern Gyeonggi Province in preparation for participation in the Iraq war and the 52nd Medical Battalion trained for dispatch to Iraq and Afghanistan at Warrior Base, also in Northern Gyeonggi Province in March 2006 (Stars and Stripes Pacific Edition, February 22 and March 3, 2006). In March of this year the RSOI (Reception, Staging, Onward Movement and Integration/Foal Eagle) exercises took place, bringing U.S. troops stationed in Hawaii and Okinawa to Korea to participate in the training (Stars and Stripes Pacific Edition, March 15 and 26, 2007). In addition, Stars and Stripes has reported that Patriot Missile units in Korea are currently involved in a new rotation system called Army Force Generation, which is aimed at getting troops ready for global deployment. Considering these instances, it is possible to predict that the new training facilities at Camp Humphrys will not only be used for improving readiness for the “defense of Korea,’ but also for the training of the USFK and even troops stationed elsewhere in the world before they are dispatched to take their place in the United States’ so-called “War on Terror.”

Bell has also spoken of North Korea several times as if it in fact poses no real threat at all. He told the House Armed Service Committee for instance: "(North Korea), at the end of the Cold War, lost their client states, Russia and China in terms of re-supplying large quantities of material and equipment. The exercise program they had in those days is no longer conducted. So North Korea is quite isolated with respect to their ability to generate combat power” (Bell, House AS, audio, 35min). General Fallon also made the statement that, “the threat of conflict in this region (East Asia) is low and continues to be that,” (audio, 10) and “I believe we have the capabilities today to over-match any threat today and for the foreseeable future” (audio, 1:08).

If such statements seem to entirely contradict the portrayal of North Korea in Bell’s official reports, this is because his objectives in the two cases are different: In the official documents Bell is relying on cold-war style vilification of North Korea to justify U.S. presence and military expansion in Korea; however, when in dialogue with Congress members he has sought to allay concerns that the war in the Middle East is compromising security in East Asia by minimizing the threat of a North Korean attack. In addition, Bell has another project in mind for which he must win congressional support: many of the new buildings planned for Camp Humphries are meant for the families of service members, whom Bell proposes to bring to Korea.

Planned Community for Soldiers’ Families
Currently, members of the U.S. Armed Forces serve a one-year term of duty when stationed in Korea. Most come without their families. This system of ‘unaccompanied one-year rotations’ is standard practice for the U.S. military in ‘combat’ situations. But, Bell has stated, the designation of ‘combat-mentality rotations’ no longer applies because Korea is no longer a ‘combat’ situation. Regardless of the way he has played up the North Korean threat at times, Bell’s plan to bring families to Korea reinforces the position he and Fallon have taken that the threat of conflict in the region is low. As such, he is preparing to submit a proposal to the Department of Defense calling for a change to ‘three-year accompanied terms’—meaning that many if not all married USKF servicemembers will bring their families to live with them in Korea in apartments built at Camp Humphrys. According to Bell, the new construction taking place in Pyongtaek will create “planned communities that… integrate work spaces/areas, barracks, dormitories, family housing, schools, day care centers, religious facilities, shopping areas, and MWR activities” (Bell, House Appropriations Committee Statement, 10). Camp Humphrys will also include a golf course, swimming pool and recreation facilities for servicemembers and their families. The South Korean government is providing the money to build some of these facilities through the Yongsan Base Relocation and Land Partnership Plans and through increased burden share funds gathered from Korean citizens’ taxes. It is also providing the land free of charge on which the U.S. can build, having forcibly evicted the residents from the Paengsung area. All of this despite the fact that, clearly, planned communities for family members of U.S. soldiers have very little to do with South Korea’s national defense.

Conclusion
Why is it that Bell’s assertions have been consistently so inconsistent with each other? It is because he has been engaged in several different conversations, motivated by different agendas, at the same time. The first – the official discourse of his written statements –rests on the premise of the U.S. as a protector of South Korea, an ideological relic of the Cold War which still serves to justify the U.S. military presence and modernization of the USFK. A second involves demonstrating to the United States Congress that the U.S. is putting its interest first and gaining a great deal from the base transfer and expansion, yet is made palatable through references to a more equal relationship between the ROK and the U.S., for which the ROK has asked. A third involves defending against accusations that the wars in the Middle East are too taxing. Finally, a fourth is an effort to justify his plans for 3-year accompanied service rotations for the USFK.

Throughout these conversations the changing characterization of North Korea – from impotent and backwards to menacing and maniacal – tells us very little about the real level of threat posed by North Korea and nothing at all about the regime as a political actor in East Asia. It does, however, demonstrate that in the U.S. military policy discourse, North Korea functions not as a real object of examination or a subject with which to be engaged, but rather as an ideological other that can take center stage when military build-up needs justification and then move to the back row when other matters of concern are under discussion.

In all his contradictory explanations Bell has never stated clearly the true purpose of the realignment of the U.S. troops and the base expansion at Pyeongtaek, but we can logically deduce from his statements and in the construction plans for Camp Humphrys: The goal is the creation of a flexible force capable of carrying out acts of aggression in East Asia and the Middle East and the construction of an outpost for their training, for the storage of advanced munitions, and for the collection and processing of intelligence. It will also be a protected zone of luxury for the families of U.S. servicemembers, while it anchors the U.S. hegemony in the region.

Daechuri peace marchers arrive at Seoul

Sun, 22 Apr 2007 21:02:00 +0900

A group of activists who lived for up to two years in Daechuri and Doduri left their homes on April 9^th, with the destruction of the villages already underway, on a Peace March from Daechuri to Seoul.

They marched to denounce and mourn the destruction of Daechuri and Doduri (see previous post), to assert the right of Daechuri and Doduri villagers to return to their land, and to demand an end to the planned base expansion in Pyeongtaek. The activists (Pyeongtaek Jikimis, or “defenders”) held vigils every night in cities along their way. They were joined at their vigils by other opponents of the Pyeongtaek base expansion to sing, talk to local people about the base expansion, and give out out pea plant seeds from Daechuri gardens. The seeds are a symbol of Daechuri and Doduri as farming communities, and of the hope that Daechuri and Doduri farmers' struggle has inspired.

When the group arrived in Seoul on April 14^th, they attempted to deliver a letter for President Roh at the Blue House (the presidential mansion). The group of around 20 marchers, plus some supporters and journalists, was stopped and surrounded on three sides by riot cops, with a police bus blocking the remaining side. A representative of the Blue House then held a bizarre negotiation with the Jikimis, first arguing that only a few people could go on to the Blue House to deliver the letter, then that no one could continue because the envelope contained seeds, making it not a real letter. When the Jikimis saw that the negotiations were a farce, they decided to send the letter through the mail, and held their protest and vigil right where they had been stopped. The activists talked about their experiences in Pyeongtaek, played the recorded voices of Daechuri villagers, and planted Pyeongtaek pea seeds in a flower garden that had conveniently been surrounded along with them by the riot cops.

The marchers continued the following day to the village of Ohyeoli (“O-hyeo-li”), another farming community threatened by displacement to expand a military facility. Ohyeoli villagers raise cattle, wheat, and rice north of Seoul (Daechuri is south of Seoul). In 1982 they were pushed off their land to make way for a Korean military training ground, much as Daechuri residents were forcibly relocated in the 1950s. In 1997, the training ground became a joint US-Korean facility.

Ever since Ohyeoli farmers's resettlement on nearby land, they have lived side by side with the largest live bomb training ground in East Asia. For 13 weeks of every year, the farmers are subjected to the sounds of booming explosions and tanks rumbling past their homes and fields. They aren't ever told in advance when the training will begin, but find out when they wake up in the morning and see riot police lined up alongside their village, to keep them out of the training area.

The training is more than an inconvenience, it's also dangerous. In 2002, two middle school girls were run over and killed near Ohyeoli by a tank on its way out of the training ground, in what became a major national incident. The soldiers responsible for the killing were found “not guilty” and released.

In 1996, the expansion of the training ground was announced. The new training ground will be double its current size, and over four times the size of the expanded base at Pyeongtaek. The site will be linked to the Pyeongtaek mega-base by military-use only train tracks.

Although the planned completion date was originally 2012, now the Korean government is trying to speed up the displacement of the Ohyeoli villagers in order to finish earlier. The villagers, who have been organizing their resistance to the training ground expansion for over ten years now, shared experiences with the Pyeongtaek activists during their visit.

(See previous post for more photos of the Jikimi march to Seoul.)

Daechuri activists plant Daechuri pea seeds in Ohyeli:

Ohyeoli. Banner reads in part "Welcome Daechuri Jikimis"

Riding bikes near training ground in Ohyeoli:

training near Ohyeoli:

"When You Grow Up, You Must Take the Village Back"

Wed, 18 Apr 2007 22:18:29 +0900

Ceremony for Daechuri's Last Days

On 7 April 2007, a ceremony was held to mark the conclusion of the Daechuri struggle. The residents who had left earlier, and those who had stayed until the end, came together to have the ceremony.

The villagers set fire to the two bamboo guardian statues that stood at the entrance of the village. They wept as they watched the statues burn. It made me remember last spring when the villagers resisted, fighting the advancing backhoes and shouting desperately, crying in the field. We struggled, but now we're leaving.

While the statues were still burning, the residents left the field, carrying a symbolic peace boat, decorated with flowers. As they approached the Daechu Elementary School yard, someone said to Byeong Cheol, an elementary school student of the village, who was riding in the boat, "Byeong Cheol, when you grow up, you must take the village back."

A hole for a time capsule had previously been dug in the Daechu Elementary School yard, and a jar had been placed at the bottom. After the boat arrived in the yard, the residents began to write their wishes on pieces of wood, with tears in their eyes.

"We will definitely come back."

"Our descendents will certainly take the land back."

"Oh my homeland, I will never forget you."

"I hope that we will live happily, that our children will be successful, and that we will take our land back."

"I hate leaving Daechuri."

Kim Won Sun, an old resident, was holding the piece of wood with "I hate leaving Daechuri" written on it. "I can't stop shedding tears." she said, "It's the first time I've moved out. I've lived here 60 years. My heart is totally broken. I really hate leaving here. When I close my eyes, I see an image of my house and my village." On this day, though, Kim didn't visit her old house. "I didn't go to my house. Last time, when I went to the house, all of the doors were torn off. It looks so bad. I couldn't go there today."

Father Moon made a speech. "We'll never forget our defeat and our anger and disgrace. As the two school girls' death showed us, we can see clearly how Korea is cruelly subordinated by the US. Have we ever struggled as desperately as we have now to stop the expansion of the US army base?

Now we are recording our history that will be handed down to our descendants. The Anseong Stream is still going to flow along the field. The field will remain in people's minds as a shrine of peace. Our struggle is a seed of hope for people who dream of world where there is equality. Time will tell who was in the wrong. Even though we were defeated and the Korean government and the United States won this time, their violence will be revealed in time. We have learned how valuable human rights are while struggling against the imperialist army and the violence of the state. Noh Moo Hyun achieved the common ground with the conservative party that he so wished. He's degraded himself. He is no longer our president. Noh Moo Hyun will be remembered by the people as a shameful president who sold out his country."

Father Moon's last words echoed over the field. The residents began to place the pieces of wood into the time capsule. The village head, Shin Jong Won, burst into tears as he was lowering the pieces of wood into the hole. The residents also began to weep. After the people's treasured things and messages had been sealed in the jar, they filled in the hole, stamped down the earth there and set a sign over the place. To conclude the ceremony, the flower boat was set on fire.

from Chamsesang; translated by Radical Language Exchange

Daechuri Activists March from Daechuri to Seoul

Wed, 11 Apr 2007 22:29:50 +0900

Activists who have made Daechuri and Doduri their homes set out this Monday on a Peace March from Daechuri to Seoul. They are marching to denounce and mourn the destruction of Daechuri and Doduri (see previous post), and to demand an end to the planned base expansion in Pyeongtaek. The activists (Pyeongtaek Jikimis) are holding vigils every night in cities along their way. They are joined at their vigils by other opponents of the Pyeongtaek base expansion to sing, talk to local people about the base expansion, and give out out pea plant seeds from Daechuri gardens. The seeds are a symbol of Daechuri and Doduri as farming communities, and of the hope that Daechuri and Doduri farmers' struggle has inspired.
The activists will arrive in Seoul on Saturday, April 14^th, where they will hold a vigil and press conference in front of the Blue House (the president's house).

For more information (in Korean) on participating in the the march call 016-498- 2017.

More photos of the Jikimi activist's peace march from Daechuri to Seoul:

http://cafe205.daum.net/_c21_/bbs_read?grpid=187bd&mgrpid=&fldid=4kJK&page=1&prev_page=0&firstbbsdepth=&lastbbsdepth=zzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzz&contentval=0002ozzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzz&datanum=174

http://cafe205.daum.net/_c21_/bbs_read?grpid=187bd&fldid=4kJK&contentval=0002zzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzz

http://cafe205.daum.net/_c21_/bbs_read?grpid=187bd&fldid=4kJK&contentval=00034zzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzz

Schedule: Daechuri and Doduri Jikimi Peace March, April 9-April 15

Vigil every night, 7:00-8:00

Day Departure Destination Candlelight vigil location

April 9 Daechuri Songtan Seojeong-ri subway station

April 10 Songtan Osan Osan subway station

April 11 Osan Byeongjeom Byeongjeom station

April 12 Byeongjeom Suwon Suwon subway station

April 13 Suwon Anyang Anyang subway station

April 14 Anyang Seoul Blue House press conference/ Gwanghwamun

April 15 Seoul Paju

Daechuri is being destroyed. Daechuri lives!

Mon, 09 Apr 2007 11:40:27 +0900

After holding their last candlelight vigil on March 24^th (see previous post), Daechuri and Doduri farmers began to leave their homes. The farmers came back on Saturday, April 7^th for a parting ceremony. During the ceremony, a procession of farmers and supporters walked from Doduri to Daechuri. When they reached Daechuri, the villagers buried a time capsule in front of the rubble of the Dachuri elementary school, destroyed by police last May. The time capsule contains messages from villagers and supporters, some written on paper and others painted on wood.

The farmers have never stopped opposing the base expansion or demanding their right to stay on their land. The time capsule was buried under flags that read “return!”. The time capsule expressed their hope that one day soon, the machines of death and empire that have destroyed their community will fall silent, and that they will be able to come back to reclaim the time capsule and rebuild their homes.

The activists who have made Daechuri and neighboring Doduri their homes will also begin to leave this week. Some of them will set out this week on a “Peace march” from Daechuri to the Blue House (the president's house) in Seoul. The KCPT alliance of Korean social movements is planning a similar march in May, and will continue to organize against the base expansion.

The farmers will live in temporary housing for two years, and many will then move to a new village. When they came back to say goodbye to their homes on April 7^th, they found that the destruction of their town had already begun. Many of the murals and poetry on the walls of their village were already rubble. While villagers and supporters shouted “stop base expansion” around the banners and other objects that they had lit on fire as part of the ceremony, demolition equipment smashed a nearby house.

An amazing center of community, art, and hope is being destroyed to make way for a center of war and repression. But Daechuri and Doduri villagers' strength and determination, and the memory of what was created in Daechuri and Doduri, will live in all of our struggles. Wherever there is global empire and exploitation, there will be a thousand Daechuris ready to resist, and next time, to win. Daechuri lives!

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(The KCPT and saveptfarmers sites will continue to carry updates about the ongoing fight against the base expansion. It ain't over yet!)

Last candlelight vigil in Daechuri, but the fight against base expansion goes on

Tue, 27 Mar 2007 00:16:18 +0900

Daechuri residents held their last candlelight vigil on March 24. Saturday's vigil was the 935^th since the villagers began the nightly gathering to protest their expulsion from their land. Last month, villagers were forced into an “agreement” to leave their land by the end of March. (see previous articles).

Several hundred supporters came to Daechuri for the last vigil, to honor the residents' struggle and continue the fight against the base expansion. During the vigil, residents celebrated and remembered their village and the amazing community that has grown to fight alongside them, and denounced and mourned the impending destruction of their homes. The mood was not the satisfaction and peaceful resolution that has been presented in the mass media. When the vigil ended with a long wordless shout, as it has every night for two and a half years, the shout lasted much longer than usual, and some residents and supporters cried when it finally ended.

Residents expect to actually leave sometime in April. They will stay in temporary housing until their new homes, in a new village, are ready. One of the villagers' main demands, once they accepted the governments' final ultimatum to leave or be forced out with nothing, was to be able to live together in a new village.

Some activists who have made Daechuri and neighboring Doduri their homes will continue to live in the villages. These activists have the support of Daechuri villagers and will continue their fight against the base expansion. The activists, and supporters from around Korea, will hold their third meeting in Daechuri on Saturday, April 7. The KCPT coalition of Korean social movements will also continue to oppose the base expansion.

For photos of the last vigil, and an excellent video with images from Daechuri, see http://antigizi.or.kr/zboard/view.php?id=news&page=1&sn1=&divpage=1&sn=off&ss=on&sc=on&select_arrange=headnum&desc=asc&no=413

Daechuri defenders strategize and celebrate

Sat, 17 Mar 2007 13:42:38 +0900

March 3rd was Daeboreum day, the fifteenth day of the new year in the lunar calendar. Daechuri villagers and defenders gathered in Daechuri to celebrate and strategize their ongoing resistance to the US base expansion.
See this new video, filmed on March 3rd, about the art of Daechuri.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M8bWLY3Knio

BBC: "Eviction Village: a Farmer's Tale"

Tue, 06 Mar 2007 13:44:19 +0900

From BBC. February 27, 2007. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asia-pacific/6389553.stm

(see the link for more photos)

The village's farm land has been fenced off for nearly a year

A village near Pyeongtaek in South Korea has become subject to an eviction order to allow for an expansion of the neighbouring US army base, Camp Humphreys.

The government has offered compensation to the villagers of Daechuri - mostly farmers in their 60s and 70s - many of whom have accepted the offer and left the village.

However, there are those who have refused to leave their homes, saying that the compensation is not enough and their livelihoods are at stake.

An elderly farmer tells the story of the village's struggle for survival in an area that has been home to foreign troops since Japanese colonial rule.

KIM IN-SOON, 72

Kim In-soon: I feel hurt and betrayed

I was born and raised in the village of Daechuri and I spent all my life here.

I have a little bit of land, but I am too old and frail to work on it. A fellow farmer rented it from me and the money helped me to get by.

When I first heard that they were going to expand the US military base, my head started to hurt and I got very sick. I couldn't imagine living outside this village.

I am not a very social person and this life is all I know. My children live away from me and I can't work due to my age and poor health. I used to depend on the tenant who was working on my farm land.

But they took that land away. It has been empty and barren for the past year. With no money coming in, I had to rely on allowances from my children.

It's not just me. Everyone in the village is struggling to survive without land. We try to help each other, but it has been a very difficult year.

VILLAGE VOICES

Daechuri's struggle in pictures

In pictures

We have been fighting for several years to save our village and we had hope. But after I heard the result of the latest negotiations with the government, I was shocked.

We must move out of the village no matter what. The news made me lose my sleep and I started to get headaches. I went to the hospital and the doctor told me that I was overstressed.

My neighbour and friend told me that she is not going to move with the rest of us to the resettlement area because her health is very poor and she will go to live with her daughter in the city. I have to say goodbye to my land, my home and my friends.

The government tells us that they will help us resettle, but I don't believe them. Last month, we all went to the place where they are going to build us new homes.

It's barren and empty. It looks very depressing. And there won't be a health centre. And before that's built, they plan to put us in a temporary accommodation.

History of evictions

This is the third time our village is being evicted. My family first lost their land during the Japanese colonial rule. The Japanese took it to build military facilities.

The second time was during the Korean war when the original US base was built.

EVICTION FOR US BASE

Dec 2004: The Korean government releases plans to give extra 2,851 acres to the US Army base in Pyeongtaek

Dec 2005: The government approves the seizure of the village of Daechuri

March 2006: Villagers resist two forceful eviction attempts, in which several human rights activist are detained

May 2006: Up to 130 people are reported injured after 13,000 riot police and 3000 troops are deployed against campaigners and farmers

Feb 2007: The government says that villagers have agreed to vacate their homes by 31 March 2007

We had no choice but to move out - our farm land was literally next to the military runways. It was awkward and noisy.

I was only 17 years old. I was living with my parents, my brother, his wife and our younger siblings.

Back then, the men had to go to the army for military service so only the women stayed in the village. We couldn't even fight to protect our land.

They set fire to our house. People packed their belongings and moved out. Many elderly died. We received no compensation.

My brother's wife was raped by a US soldier, while my brother was serving in the Korean army. Three other women from the village were raped. One of them still lives here.

In May last year, when the police and military came to barbwire our land away from us, I wanted to die. I couldn't believe they are doing this to us again.

I am in pain when I think what's happening to us. Some people say that our village is worth nothing compared to the value of the land in central Seoul that will be returned to the government once the US military moves here. I find that odd and heartbreaking.

So the land in the city is much more valuable than our livelihood? We turned these tidal flats into rich, arable land with our own hands, to be kicked out again and again. I feel hurt and betrayed. I feel forgotten.

Korean government forces Daechuri residents to “agree” to their displacement

Wed, 21 Feb 2007 23:11:04 +0900

On February 13, Daechuri residents agreed to leave Daechuri by the end of March. The following article, translated from Chamsaesang, lays out the details of the villager's impending displacement. But like most press coverage of the displacement, the article uses words like “agreement” and “resettlement” to describe what is essentially a coercive, forced displacement. Villagers were forced into "accepting" their forced displacement after a brutal year: the destruction of their school, the demolition of vacant and re-occupied houses, dozens of politically motivated arrests (including of former village leader Kim Ji Tae), repeated police attacks, the fencing off of their fields with barbed wire, and arbitrary police checkpoints on the roads leading to the village. After most of their fields were occupied by the Korean army in May, villagers had come together to collectively farm the few fields left to them. But in November, the police returned to fence off the few fields that had been left free of barbed wire. Since then, the villagers found themselves with no way to support themselves, and an increasingly desperate financial situation. Finally, during negotiations between the resident's committee and the government, the government gave villagers an ultimatum: leave now and take our (inadequate) offer, or wait until April and leave with nothing. The government made it clear that either way, the village would be destroyed in April.

Meanwhile, other Koreans will continue to fight against the base expansion. The reasons for opposition to the base expansion are the same as ever: rejection of US intervention on the Korean peninsula and US imperialism in Northeast Asia, and now more than ever, the forced displacement of Daechuri residents. On March 3 (see previous post), Pyeongtaek Jikimis (volutary supporters) will meet in Daechuri. Some Jikimis will continue to live in the village and resist the expansion even after the original residents leave. The KCPT, an alliance of Korean social movements and organizations, also continues to actively oppose the base expansion.

Although some press reports and Korean government statements have announced the residents' “voluntary” departure, there is nothing voluntary about it. The “peace” that the government proudly announces is a peace without justice, achieved through physical and economic violence. The Korean government gloats that it “look[s] forward to putting an end to this conflict..." But as long as US imperialism tramples on people's rights, in Korea and around the world, people will keep on fighting against the global empire and the states that support it.

--------The Daechuri residents and the Government agree on resettlement

After 12 rounds of discussions, residents agreed to resettlement by the end of March. On February 13th, the office of the Prime minister and the Ministry of Defense gave the following press release : "The residents of Daechuri and the Government have drawn up a mutual agreement to bring an end to their conflict and allow for a peaceful resettlement." This was the result of talks that began on January 2 between the Paengseong residents' committee and the government. The Paengseong residents' committee proposed talks last Jan 1st, announcing, "We are proposing talks with the government to reach a peaceful solution to the problem of the U.S. base expansion. We urge the government to earnestly and progressively attend this discussion in order to find a peaceful solution to this problem and to make sure that the pain and loss of our residents do not go on." Thereafter the negotiations proceeded over 12 rounds until the Paengseong residents committee and the government reached an agreement on Feb 13.

Resettlement to Peangseong Nowha-ri and Namsan-ri

Kim Ji Tae, chairman of the Paengseong residents' committee, and Kim Chun Suk, head of the U.S. Base Relocation Project, signed an agreement that outlined the following :

- The resettlement of the residents must be completed by March 31, 2007.

- The residents will move to Paengseong Nowhari and Namsanri where rented land will be parceled out.

- Elderly persons in a low-income bracket will be provided 10 million won in financial support for resettlement and a monthly allowance of 200,000 won until 2014.

- The government will issue an apology.

- The Ministry’s accusation of illegal farming will be withdrawn, and the residents being held on criminal charges will be released immediately.

- When the housing complex in Nowha-ri is completed it will be renamed as Daechuri.

Although the residents put up a strong resistance for nearly 4 years, the residents' fatigue, the forceful demolitions continued by the government, and the residents' inability to find a clear strategy to continue their struggle seem to have had an influence on their decision to sign the agreement with the government. In order to ensure the fulfillment of the agreement, the agreement also notes that "before the residents leave Daechuri, the government will make every effort to avoid causing discomfort for the residents due to the construction and the residents will not obstruct the government's construction operations" and "an administrative committee made up of the Ministry of Defense, the Pyeongtaek City Government, and the representatives of the residents' will manage the agreement until Dec 31, 2008."...

The Pyeongtaek Anti-Base Expansion Committee : "We respect the residents' agreement, but the fight will continue." The Pyeongtaek Anti-Base Expansion Committee cautiously admitted that "while not all of the residents' demands were met, we will respect their agreement." Choi Yun Chul, director of the Pyeongtaek Anti-Base Expansion Committee, said, "We respect that the [Daechuri] residents' committee approached the negotiations with their own demands," adding "We didn't hear about the results of the negotiations but found out about it through the internet, so we still have to verify the details. However, we believe that not all of the residents' demands were met." Meanwhile, as the residents of Daechuri agreed to the resettlement, the fight against the U.S. military base relocation in which Daechuri has been the focus for nearly 4 years, must now find a new direction. Choi Yun Chul said, "We must continue to point out the problems of the U.S. base expansion."

- Chamsaesang. Translation by Radical Language Exchange.

March 3 is Daechuri visit day

Tue, 20 Feb 2007 00:32:17 +0900

March 3 is another big day in Daechuri.

Everyone who doesn't want to miss a big action should come to the village on the day.
it's the day of the Jikimis (volutary supporters) and all the jikimis from all over the country gather at the village with food and they will share the food with other people in a potluck style dinner party.
they will also do some direct action for peace.

March 3 is also the Daeboreum day (the fifteenth day of the new year in the lunar calendar) so there'll be lots of korean tradiotional games playing in the village all day.
so it's a good Daechuri visit day.
please circulate this so that more people can come to see the village for themselves before it's too late.
you see, no one will be allowed to the village after April.

Daechuri residents had to give up the autonomous commune...

Tue, 20 Feb 2007 00:29:39 +0900

The residents have been having negotiations with the government since January, and the government gave the residents an ultimatum, saying "We will give you a relocation village or two, but the residents must leave the village by the end of March. The residents can either take this final 'offer' or refuse to take it and continue to stay in the village. Either way, we don't give a damn, because the village is gone in April. That is for sure."

The residents have got nothing left, no financial aid, no greater support, no hope for the future. So they had to sign the damed deal.
Everyone cried out loud upon hearing this in the afternoon of Feb 13.

According to the agreement, the resident must leave the village by the end of March.

But it doesn't mean the fight against the expansion of the US miltary base is over.

As a matter of fact, it's far from over.

We will make every efforts to stop the US military from killing everything no matter where we are.

Re-negotiation of the US base expansion plan is inevitable

Wed, 07 Feb 2007 16:07:57 +0900

Re-negotiation of the US base expansion plan is inevitable

Hankyereh21, December 2006

translation by Seoul Radical Exchange (www.seoulidarity.net)

A revision of the agreement will be necessary when the deadline for the US base expansion plan is delayed.

The cost for the base expansion and restructuring is 50 times more the maximum cost that was agreed on.

Focus on clause 3, article 2 of the agreement: “the transfer will be completed by the end of 2008”.

Among some of estimates that tell when is the deadline of the transfer, the one thing we can be sure of is that it will not be completed in 2008. It’s very probable that it will be completed after 2011. A more definite deadline will be estimated after the Master Plan (MP) is announced at the end of this year (2006) or early next year, but there is one factor that lets us guess by how long the deadline will be delayed. On November 17, 2005, the US Corps of Engineers made a contract with the Seohui construction company for construction of basic facilities, to put in the landfill preparatory to the expansion of Camp Humphrey. The total area that will be covered with landfill is 28 million pyeong (228.72 acres, 925624m2) of which the total area for the base expansion is more than 380 million pyeong (3104 acres, 12562040 m2). An official of this company said, “The deadline for construction is 1,145 days after the beginning, and we’re doing some preliminary work aimed at starting this construction in January next year (2007), so the laying of the landfill for at most a tenth of the total land for expansion will be finished around March 2010.

However, the schedule and process for transferring the US base are determined by law. Clause 3, article 2 of the agreement says that the transfer will be completed by the end of 2008. Therefore, the news about the delay of the US base transfer till 2011 contradicts the agreement. The agreement loses its legal validity. National Assembly (NA) member Rim Jongseok of the Parliamentary UFT Commission (Unification, Foreign Affairs and Trade) said, “If the deadline is delayed, that’s beyond the boundary of what the US and Korea agreed on. So re-negotiation is unavoidable.” NA member Choi Jaecheon agreed. As an ex-lawyer, he is a legal expert who was formerly the secretary of the legislative judiciary committee.

The cost of the base restructuring will exceed 300-400 billion won (300-400 million dollars)-- 50 times the maximum cost that was agreed on.

NA member Choi says that “It is preposterous to have no exact figures of the total cost of the relocation plan, even though it is a huge national project that will cost a trillion won (a billion dollars) of the taxpayers’ money. There is only one provision that mentions the specific figures, limiting Korea’s share of the base relocation costs in the UA. Part A of clause 3, article 5 of the financial convenience reads as follows: “According to the Master Plan (MP), Korea shall provide new basic facilities equipped with C4I capacities (command, control, communication, computers and information) and shall transfer the present equipment. Some of the equipment, which is expected to be more expensive to repair than to buy, shall be new. However, Korea’s share of the cost of these replacements cannot exceed 9 million dollars.”

Will public hearings be held?

Surprisingly, however, according to government officials, the estimated cost of C4I allegedly would be approximately 300-400 billion dollars; it is likely to cost as much as 50 times more than the maximum proportion indicated in the agreement. An Uri Party spokesman says, “The US firmly insists on installing new facilities regardless of Korea’s legally fixed proportion of the base relocations costs.”

The government’s irresponsible and insincere attitude makes the situation worse. In particular, the National Assembly has not scheduled a hearing on the US base relocation. Until now it has delayed the hearing because of the major party refuses, saying that the hearing is likely to hurt the US-ROK alliance. Kwon Youngkil of the Democratic Labor Party, who has constantly demanded that a hearing be held, said, “The agreement that was passed without public oversight by the UFT Commission, but not by the National Assembly, has to be reported and disclosed during the hearing.”

------------------------

Base Expansion will be delayed until 2013

From www.ohmynews.com Jan.20th 2007 Kim Taekyeong

translation by Seoul Radical Exchange (www.seoulidarity.net)

-According to the master plan, as it was reported to the National Assembly, the deadline for the relocation of the US military to the Pyeongtaek base will definitely be set back to 2013.

-The total cost of relocating the US military installations comes to 10 trillion won (10 billion dollars) and the Korean share of the cost is about 5 trillion won (5 billion dollars).

Specifically, the cost of construction is $2.46 billion.

Engineering work will cost $0.8 million; blueprints, architectural plans, etc. - $0.3 billion; management / administrative costs - $0.23 billion; purchasing lands - $1 billion; C4I - $381 million, the cost will come to 50 times more than the maximum cost than agreed on as Korean’s share.

------------------------

US government pushes the cost of base expasion onto Korea

Voice of the People January 20, 2007 (summary). Seo Jeonghwan

Vop.or.kr

translation by Seoul Radical Exchange (www.seoulidarity.net)

A Korean Ministry of National Defense official said that the US would charge $3.5~4.5 billion for the relocation, but this amount includes an annual subsidy paid by Korea to the US for Korean defense. In short, Koreans are paying money to the US and the money will be used by the US to pay for the relocation. In the new agreement on the subsidy for defense, the Korean government will pay about $730 million as of the end of last year (2006).

The Korean government pays a subsidy to the US for military maintenance of the USFK. The total subsidy is $730 million per year. The US can use 40% of this amount for relocation costs (which is not what the money is for).

The US spends 60% for military maintenance.

The documentation on relocation costs and Korea’s share of the costs doesn’t reveal the real amounts to be paid, or the real proportion that Korea has to pay.

The Ministry of National Defense official says that the US is spending $3.5~4.5 billion for relocation costs.

He calculated how much of this is actually spent by Korea.

40% of the annual subsidy is $280 million (from the new negotiated agreement) in 2007-2008.

The relocation deadline will be 2013.

The US can use 40% of the Korean subsidy for 7 years (2007~2013).

The total amount of this is $2 billion.

It is possible to assume that if the US spends the money all economically costs will be held down, but we can’t expect that it will really happen.

The USFK commander, Bell, was angry about the delay in the relocation deadline.

It is said that he found out about the delay from the Korean media.

He wants to turn the situation around and press the Korean politicians to correct this situation.

The master plan had already been released, so he probably already knew about the delay.

His real motive for speaking as he did is to obtain an increase in the subsidy that Korea pays to the US for military maintenance.

Thus Korea will be responsible for $7.5~8 billion out of $10 billion.

(The US is spending so much for Iraq that they want to save money where they can, and is trying to make the Korean government more than was agreed on.)

A $2 billion gap remains. 20% of the cost is still undecided.

If the US pays only 6% of the costs, who will pay the 14% left? Bell will press Korea to pay more to the US for military maintenance

Pyeongtaek's Mystery Ball in the Sky

Wed, 07 Feb 2007 16:01:43 +0900

An indepth article with images written by an acclaimed photographer who resided in Daechuri and worked with the residents for years.

read "Pyeongtaek's Mystery Ball in the Sky" published 06-06-13 on Ohmynews

by Noh Sun-tag (nannaya)

http://english.ohmynews.com/articleview/article_view.asp?menu=c10100&no=297728&rel_no=1

Report from "Daechuri War" 1/27/07 Screening

Wed, 07 Feb 2007 15:58:32 +0900

Cinema Seoulidarity – Second Film Screening January 27, 2007 Strange Fruit Café

“Daechuri War” Il Gun-jung, Director Pureun Film Production On Saturday afternoon, January 27th, the documentary film “Daechuri War” was screened at Strange Fruit Café in Hongdae, as the second Cinema Seoulidarity event. With about thirty people in attendance, the event was both intimate and animated. A lengthy discussion, lasting almost as long as the film itself, among audience members and the assistant director, Kim Jun-ho, followed.

The violence of the forced eviction of Daechuri residents was palpable in both the form and the content of Daechuri War. Images of the demolition of Daechu elementary school, roads, and irrigation systems and the destruction of earth and trees were as powerful as images of citizens old and young struggling against impenetrable rows of police and private guards. The fragility of the residents without shields, batons or protective clothing standing up to and even challenging the wall of masked police encapsulated the struggle of Daechuri for this viewer. Against great odds, and with a tenuous yet enduring hope, the residents spoke of their anguish, frustration, and injustice, but also of their resilience and determination. Much of their land have been made inaccessible to them, but they continue to worry about their crops on the other side of the barbed wire, wondering if they will be to see to their harvest the following season.

The discussion session began with a number of questions about the current situation and as well as the history of Daechuri’s struggle. People seemed eager to get a better idea of what they had briefly glimpsed on screen. The relationship between Daechuri residents and various activists (jikimi) residing in Daechuri since 2005 was probed. The role (or lack of) commercial media coverage was discussed as well as alliances between Korean and foreign independent filmmakers. One audience member told me after the screening how much she enjoyed not only the film but also the “self-less” atmosphere of the discussion and the event itself. She was happy to see so much engagement and interest in Daechuri and was impressed by the lack of self-interest evinced by the participants. Members of the audience were invited to go to Daechuri the following Sunday as the screening came to a close.Donations for Daechuri residents were collected at the screening. The screening was free of charge.

Thanks to everyone who came to the screening and discussion. Hope to see you at the next one!

alice

http://seoulidarity.net/